In support of the US peace plan for Gaza, President Trump proposed a “Board of Peace” as a transitional governmental authority to ensure Israeli military withdrawal from the territory. It was empowered by the UN Security Council to act on the organization’s behalf as a presumably neutral body to ensure the delivery of humanitarian assistance, rebuild the region that has been physically devastated from war, and oversea security in the return of refugees who had fled the conflict. But as introduced by the American President at the World Economic Forum meetings in Davos in January, it has become a controversial body. Trump has advanced a vision of the body that could challenge the UN and a plan for countries to pay the US (or potentially the President himself) in a sort of “pay to play” organization. On today’s show we start with an exploration of this new vision for the organization advanced by the US. [ dur: 28mins. ]
- Stefan Wolff is Professor of International Security at the University of Birmingham. His latest book is Ethnic Conflict: Critical Concepts in Political Science. And his latest article in the Conversation Donald Trump’s ‘board of peace’ looks like a privatised UN with one shareholder: the US president.
- Francesco Grillo is Professor at Bocconi University and Visiting Fellow at The European University Institute. You can find his articles at the Conversation. His latest include Europe must reject Trump’s nonsense accusations of ‘civilizational erasure’ – but it urgently needs a strategy of its own and Donald Trump’s Board of Peace signed at Davos – key points I took away from my visit to the ski resort
So the Board of Peace was initially and ostensibly created to govern Gaza in light of a peace agreement, with the intention of removing Israeli military forces in exchange for a neutral transitional government. This was endorsed by the United Nations Security Council in Resolution 2803, with very specific tasks outline, including aiding in the creation of Palestinian governance, the physical and economic reconstruction of the war-torn territory, the delivery of public services and humanitarian assistance and the return of refugees. So in this segment, we examine the chances that the Board is actually able to accomplish this specifically defined set of goals. [ dur: 30mins. ]
- John B. Quigly is a Professor of Law Emeritus at Ohio State University. He is the author of Palestine Is a State: A Horse with Black and White Stripes Is a Zebra and The International Diplomacy of Israel’s Founders: Deception at the United Nations In the Quest for Palestine.
- Omar Dajani is Carol Olsen Professor in International Law at the University of the Pacific. He is the author of Negotiating Pluralism: Dilemmas of Decentralization in the Middle East (with Aslı Bâli) and A Two-State Solution That Can Work: The Case for an Israeli-Palestinian Confederation (with Limor Yehuda). He also was part of the Palestinian negotiation team at Camp David II in 2000 and has worked with the UN in peacebuilding initiatives, with a particular emphasis on building legal and judicial reforms in Palestinian governance.
This program is produced by Doug Becker, Ankine Aghassian, Maria Armoudian, Anna Lapin and Sudd Dongre.
Politics and Activism, Middle East, Occupied Palestine
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